The article highlights the urgency of establishing inclusive development in the Sahel and West Africa to counter the growing destabilization of the region. The author, drawing on her humanitarian experience, highlights local initiatives led by authorities, community leaders, women's and youth associations, particularly in the areas of education and training. However, she deplores the fact that current political decisions neglect the needs of vulnerable populations, particularly women and children, thus exacerbating their precariousness. She calls for collective mobilization to build productive, supportive and dignified African societies, rather than constantly recovering from repeated crises.

Education, Development, Women, Vulnerability

The article explores the evolution of popular protest movements in Senegal, a country marked by a tradition of social mobilizations. Since independence, major protests, such as those of May 1968, have involved young people and unions. The political changeover in 2000 aroused disappointed expectations, leading to movements such as the 2002 demonstrations in Kolda and those of 2008 linked to power cuts. The article highlights the "Y'en a marre" and "M23" movements of 2011, which mobilized young people to contest the controversial candidacy of Abdoulaye Wade for a third term. These spontaneous movements show a youth organized to influence political decisions.

Political Power, Governance, Youth, Crisis

West and Central Africa (WCA) have a predominantly young population, with 64% under the age of 24. By 2030, the adolescent population (10-19 years) is projected to increase by 37%, from 120 million to 164 million. This demographic trend presents an opportunity for a demographic dividend, provided that young people are educated, healthy, and have access to decent employment. However, significant challenges persist, including limited access to quality education, high dropout rates, gender-based violence, and early unintended pregnancies. In response, representatives from 17 countries issued the Dakar Call in 2015, affirming their political commitment to youth. In November 2018, a regional conference brought together over 120 representatives from 22 countries to discuss the links between sexual and reproductive health, education, and school dropout. Priorities identified include combating early pregnancies, child marriages, HIV, sexually transmitted infections, substance abuse, and sexual violence. To harness the potential of this youth, it is essential to strengthen educational and health policies, focusing on gender equality and protection against violence.

Governance, Education, Health

According to an Afrobarometer survey published in August 2023, Mauritanians consider education (42%), health (42%), and poverty (40%) as the main problems that the government must address. More than half of citizens (55%) have sought health care in the past 12 months, while 33% have used public education services. Access to education is considered easy by 80% of respondents, but access to medical care is divided (51% easy versus 49% difficult). Corruption remains an obstacle, with 43% of users having paid bribes to obtain identity documents, and around 30% to access health, police, or education services. Citizens express general dissatisfaction with government performance in maintaining infrastructure and providing basic services, including health, education, and drinking water.

Bribery, Education, Public Administration, Poverty, Health, Services publics

The WATHI article examines the growing threat posed by Islamist extremists to Ghana, Togo, and Benin. In 2023, Togo experienced 14 attacks resulting in 66 deaths, demonstrating the persistent ability of extremist groups to carry out deadly actions. Despite significant regional interventions, current strategies to combat violent extremism in coastal West Africa remain insufficient. The root causes of extremism, such as the systemic exclusion of marginalized ethnic groups, notably the Fulani, are not adequately addressed, exacerbating the situation. Ghana, neighboring Benin and Togo, has implemented measures to prevent such attacks, including increased assistance from international partners. However, the presence and influence of extremist organizations linked to al-Qaeda and the Islamic State continue to expand in the north of the country, recruiting hundreds of Ghanaians to fight in regional conflicts and beyond. This expansion of extremism in the three West African coastal countries persists despite considerable efforts to prevent the spread of extremist groups from the Sahel into their northern regions.

Jihad, Terrorism, Extremism, Violence

The BTI 2024 Country Report: Mauritania by the Bertelsmann Stiftung examines President Ould Ghazouani's consolidation of power, characterized by controlling the ruling party, legally neutralizing former President Ould Abdel Aziz, and legitimizing authority through renewed official discourse. Despite improved communication, implemented policies have not led to significant changes. Economically, the COVID-19 pandemic and Russia's invasion of Ukraine have exposed Mauritania's vulnerability, relying on volatile international prices for main exports and cereal imports for food consumption. The upcoming natural gas production along the maritime border with Senegal holds promise but continues a trend of investments in the extractive sector with limited impact on the overall economy. Historically, since its independence in 1960, Mauritania has faced socio-economic and political challenges, including severe droughts in the 1970s, tensions between Arabic-speaking and non-Arabic-speaking communities, and a series of military coups.

Bribery, Security, Election, Human Rights, Hyperprésidentialisme

In this op-ed published on March 15, 2023, Jean‑Pierre Olivier de Sardan questions the effectiveness of security strategies in the Sahel. Jihadism is spreading not only in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, but also into northern regions of coastal countries like Benin, Ghana, Togo, and Côte d’Ivoire . Where state authority has collapsed, jihadist groups have imposed a “de facto government” based on extortion, propaganda, and terror. He notes that military responses, including Operation Barkhane, have failed to halts their expansion . Instead, he advocates for a comprehensive approach: strengthening public services, restoring a protective state, offering alternatives for jihadist defectors, engaging in negotiations with moderate insurgents, and supporting rural development and humanitarian aid. The core argument stresses the need for people‑centered security rather than a standalone military focus.

Governance, Security, Jihad, Services publics

The White Paper of Civil Society for Peace and Security in Mali offers an in-depth analysis of security issues in Mali, drawing on the perceptions of local populations. It criticizes purely military solutions and encourages an inclusive approach combining economic investment, community dialogue and collaboration with anthropologists. The notion of security is broadened to include the protection of property and people, going beyond the military framework to include human security. The recommendations call for public policies adapted to social and local realities to resolve the crisis in a sustainable manner.

Peace, Human security, Civil Society