The article highlights that the quality of education in West Africa is largely dependent on teachers’ skills and commitment, yet significant gaps remain in both initial and ongoing training tailored to local contexts. It points out that while corporal punishment has been banned in some countries such as Benin, Mali, Côte d’Ivoire and Senegal, this legal change has often not been paired with effective pedagogical tools and disciplinary strategies for teachers. Current training schemes frequently fail to align with classroom realities and student needs. The piece calls for comprehensive reform: modernization of teacher training curricula, stronger practical training, responsiveness to social and pedagogical changes, and an improvement in teachers’ working conditions. It urges policymakers, trainers and education systems to act so that teacher training becomes a real lever for transformative education.

Governance, Education, Réforme

The article argues that digital transformation in West Africa holds enormous potential for social change but also risks worsening inequality if not grounded locally. It states that the digital shift must be built on local priorities: connecting rural areas, tailoring training programs, supporting youth digital entrepreneurship, and mobilising governments, businesses, universities and civil society. With a large share of future labour market entrants coming from sub-Saharan Africa by 2030, the region faces urgent challenges: reliable internet, digital skills and access remain highly unequal, particularly in rural zones. The piece cites examples such as Benin, Senegal and Nigeria to highlight existing initiatives. It stresses the need for inclusive digital governance, appropriate infrastructure and ethical frameworks, so that technology becomes a tool for empowerment rather than exclusion.

Governance, Transition, Numérique, Inclusion

In this article, Anta Barry explores the evolution of the concept of human security in the Sahel region and argues that its ambition is increasingly unattainable. The central Sahel namely Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso represents a paradox: a territory rich in resources yet undermined by weak governance, colonial legacies, mis-aligned development policies and recurrent political instability. The notion of human security, initially focusing on protecting individuals from economic, political and environmental threats, is confronted with a “poly-crisis”: terrorist insecurity, climate change, food crises and the retreat of the state from basic services. Barry criticises the application of standardised international models that fail to reflect Sahelian realities and highlights the shrinking political space of states in the face of powerful external actors. The article concludes that without a rethink of approaches and a genuine empowerment of local actors, the ideal of human security in the Sahel will remain in crisis.

Governance, Climate change, Security, Development, Food security, Crisis

The report analyzes the upcoming 2025 Ivorian presidential election, marked by tension and recurring patterns of political confrontation. It highlights the absence of any peaceful transfer of power since 1995 a situation described as the “Ivorian paradox.” The controversy surrounding President Alassane Ouattara’s fourth-term bid, coupled with the exclusion of key opposition figures, fuels deep resentment and polarization. The report also points to the failure of political elites to establish genuine dialogue on electoral rules, as well as the revival of divisive identity politics related to nationality and “Ivoirité.” Despite steady economic growth, fragile institutions and low public trust increase the risk of instability. The election is therefore described as “high-risk,” with potential for major unrest if the process continues to be viewed as non-inclusive.

Cultural identity, Governance, Election, Political identity, Presidential term limits

The article examines the rise of online child sexual exploitation and abuse (OCSEA) in Ghana, Côte d’Ivoire, and Cabo Verde, in connection with the rapid expansion of mobile Internet access. It points out that youths aged 13 to 24 account for a significant share of users on digital platforms, thus increasing their exposure to risks. In Côte d’Ivoire, approximately 21,000 incidents were reported annually between 2019 and 2022, with criminal networks professionalizing techniques such as sextortion, blackmail, and non-consensual dissemination of content. National legal frameworks across the three countries show gaps: certain forms of OCSEA are not criminalized and legal definitions lack harmonization. The report also underscores institutional weaknesses, underreporting of cases, limited coordination, and the constrained capacities of law enforcement. It offers recommendations across multiple levels ECOWAS, member states, law enforcement, tech sector, and NGOs to strengthen prevention, legal response, and victim protection.

Security, Justice, Vulnerability, Enfant, Protection

The 2020 Human Rights Watch report on Côte d’Ivoire highlights economic growth in 2019 but criticizes the government’s failure to address the root causes of past political violence — notably entrenched impunity, judicial politicization, and enduring ethnic tensions. The ICC’s acquittal of Laurent Gbagbo and Charles Blé Goudé, coupled with stalled domestic prosecutions, reinforced a climate of impunity. Legal reforms—such as the criminalization of torture, reduced pretrial detention, and gender equality measures—were welcomed, yet some provisions threaten freedoms of expression and assembly. Security forces’ excessive use of force against protesters and arbitrary arrests raised further concern. The report urges impartial justice, deeper security sector reform, and greater protection of fundamental freedoms ahead of the 2020 presidential election.

Governance, Justice, Liberté, Impunity, Law

The article examines the resurgence of the Boko Haram conflict in Cameroon’s Far North region, despite governmental and regional cooperation efforts. It outlines the group’s historical penetration and expansion since 2009–2014 in the border area with Nigeria, describes the evolving tactics (guerrilla warfare, suicide bombings, improvised explosive devices, kidnappings), and highlights its embedding within informal networks and smuggling routes. The socio-economic toll is severe: disruption of agriculture and trade, population displacement, abandonment of schools and health centers, and rising intercommunity tensions. The authors warn that the conflict could endure: overcrowded prisons, the politicization or transformation of vigilance committees into militias, and continuous influxes of Nigerian refugees pose real threats to regional stability. Their recommendations focus on improving governance, strengthening cross-border cooperation, enhancing local resilience, and pursuing de-escalation strategies in the security domain.

Politics, Governance, Boundary, Security, Radicalisation

The article examines Cameroon’s 2025 presidential election scheduled for October 12, with Paul Biya – aged 92 and long-time incumbent – running for an eighth consecutive term. It highlights a tightly controlled political system in which the ruling party (RDPC) dominates state institutions including the electoral commission and judiciary. The opposition is deeply fragmented and weakened by internal divisions and personal rivalries, making it difficult to present a credible alternative. Security issues constitute a significant challenge: the anglophone crisis in the North West and South West (NOSO) regions undermines electoral conditions, while Boko Haram’s attacks in the far north complicate voting access, particularly for displaced populations. The article warns that the electoral process could be undermined by these political and security pressures.

Politics, Political party, Governance, Election

The article analyzes the pressures and challenges facing Côte d’Ivoire’s security sector in the post-conflict period, tracing the transition from state withdrawal toward renewed state control over security. It points out that while the “return of the State” was prioritized, the Security Sector Reform (SSR) reflects a significant gap between formal policies and real practices, since power dynamics continue to shape outcomes. The 2017 mutinies (in January and May) served as a catalyst for accelerated reforms, but questions remain about their sustainability. The army continues to be affected by extractive practices, militaro-economic networks, and insubordination, particularly among integrated ex-rebels. The article argues for viewing reforms politically rather than purely technically, stressing the need to build trust with communities, strengthen civil oversight, and responsibly integrate former combatants into institutional frameworks.

Governance, Security, Institution, Réforme, Groupes armés