Dr. Olakounlé Gilles Yabi’s article warns of a deep moral and institutional decline threatening West Africa and the wider African continent. Since 2020, constitutional manipulation, third-term bids and military coups have multiplied, revealing the normalization of political cynicism. Examples include Alpha Condé in Guinea, Alassane Ouattara in Côte d’Ivoire, and, more recently, Mamadi Doumbouya’s candidacy despite previous pledges. Across countries such as Guinea, Côte d’Ivoire, Cameroon, Tanzania, Benin, Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso, electoral manipulation, repression, forced disappearances and media intimidation have become routine strategies to entrench power. In the Sahel, military regimes embrace what the author describes as “sovereign suicide,” sacrificing governance, social cohesion and basic services under the banner of sovereignty. Populations face escalating violence, economic collapse, displacement and school closures. Meanwhile, global powers continue extracting mineral resources, indifferent to local chaos. Yabi urges African leaders and civil societies to confront the continent’s extreme vulnerabilities before an irreversible loss of control occurs.

Politics, Sovereignty, Governance, Crisis, Coup d'État

This policy brief examines why The Gambia, despite being ranked among Africa’s safest countries, remains vulnerable to violent extremism. Regional insecurity—especially Mali’s crisis, Sahelian instability, and porous borders—creates significant exposure risks. Internal vulnerabilities amplify these threats: growing religious radicalization within some madrasa systems, the influence of reformist preachers, rising sectarian tensions, and severe youth unemployment. The brief stresses the need for a multisectoral approach combining security reform, stronger governance, regulation of religious education, community mediation, youth engagement, and empowerment of women and local leaders. Efforts led by the Gambian government, ECOWAS, civil society, and youth organizations—such as security sector reform, counterterrorism strategies, peace education initiatives, and the Youth, Peace and Security Action Plan—highlight progress. However, coordination remains weak, institutions operate in silos, and rural communities face structural marginalization and limited state presence, which heighten their vulnerability to radicalization and extremist narratives. Strengthening resilience requires sustained, integrated, and community-centered interventions.

Governance, Security, Youth, Extremism, Vulnerability, Violence, Radicalisation

The article examines the evolution of Senegal’s economic diplomacy following the election of Bassirou Diomaye Faye in April 2024. This diplomacy blends continuity with strategic adjustments. Building on the achievements of the Plan Sénégal Émergent (PSE) and long-standing efforts to attract foreign investment, the new administration seeks to strengthen economic sovereignty, transparency, and diversification of international partnerships. With a projected 8% growth rate in 2025 and persistent structural constraints, the government is auditing extractive industries, revising investment frameworks, and streamlining public-private partnerships. Internationally, Senegal is expanding its diplomatic reach, particularly in Asia, the Middle East, and Turkey, to secure technology transfers, financing, and strategic cooperation. However, existing commitments, reliance on international financial institutions, and deep integration within UEMOA limit the scope for drastic shifts. The result is a nuanced form of economic diplomacy—balancing inherited structures with new ambitions for national transformation.

Sovereignty, Governance, Economic Development, Diplomacy, International cooperation

The article examines the expansion of Jama’at Nasrat al Islam wal Muslimeen (JNIM) into western and southern Mali, marked by seven coordinated attacks launched by the Macina Liberation Front (FLM) on July 1, 2025. These operations targeted Kayes and Nioro du Sahel—two strategic economic and religious hubs—opening a new front far from the group’s traditional strongholds in central and northern Mali. JNIM’s strategy aims to isolate Bamako by attacking key trade routes, fuel convoys, and industrial sites, causing shortages, rising prices, and severe disruption of commercial activity. Despite strengthened military checkpoints, ambushes continue, resulting in kidnappings, destroyed tankers, and population displacement toward Senegal and Mauritania. The FLM’s growing reach, combined with the junta’s increasing political repression and its break with international security partners, deepens Mali’s fragmentation and heightens risks for neighboring coastal states.

Politics, Political party, Natural ressources, Security, Justice, Political Violence, Gold, Human security, Violence, Threat

This article evaluates the impact of Senegal’s free health insurance programme for poor households, implemented through the National Family Security Scholarship Programme (PNBSF). Using 2019–2020 data from the rural area of Niakhar, the study assesses whether free enrollment in community-based health insurance (CBHI) improves healthcare utilisation and financial protection. Despite the programme’s intentions, the findings reveal major implementation failures: limited awareness among beneficiaries, unintentional or “virtual” enrollments, weak communication, and structural shortcomings within CBHI schemes. As a result, free insurance did not increase healthcare consultations during illness, antenatal care visits, or protection against catastrophic health expenditures. The only significant positive effect observed was an increase in facility-based deliveries. The authors conclude that the limited impact stems from implementation gaps rather than the concept of free insurance itself, stressing the need for stronger government commitment and measures to reduce barriers to accessing covered services.

Governance, Inequality, Gender, Conflict, Religious education, Education, Health, Threat, Soicial sciences, Researh, Knowlege production, Politique publique, Protection

The article examines the severe decline in press freedom across West Africa, highlighted by the 2025 RSF Press Freedom Index. Eleven of the region’s sixteen countries fell in the ranking, with dramatic drops in Guinea (-31 positions), Burkina Faso (-19), and Guinea-Bissau (-18). This regression reflects a shrinking civic space driven by military regimes, media suspensions, arrests of journalists, and state propaganda. Even countries without constitutional breakdowns, such as Senegal and Benin, face major challenges—economic collapse of the media sector in Senegal and restrictive digital legislation in Benin. In this context, organizations like the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) have become essential, providing training, protection, and visibility to journalists through initiatives such as WAMECA 2025. The article also warns about the surge of disinformation campaigns targeting the region and stresses the importance of public digital infrastructures to maintain a democratic, open, and reliable information space.

State, Democracy, Liberté de presse, Disinformation

This article offers a systematic and reflexive review of 656 publications (1958–March 2022) on intra-West African migration, sourced from Scopus using PRISMA and Mayring’s qualitative content analysis. It documents a sharp rise in output since the 2000s, with research clustered on Ghana and Nigeria, followed by Senegal, Mali, and Burkina Faso. Dominant topics are work/labour, social/family relations, and ethnicity/identity, while environment and climate change have recently gained traction. Studies focus more on outcomes than drivers of migration and tend to privilege urban destinations (the “urban trap”). Women and youth remain underrepresented, and translocal approaches are still uncommon. In terms of knowledge production, authors’ affiliations are predominantly in the US and Europe, reflecting postcolonial hierarchies; the authors call for decolonizing research agendas and strengthening West Africa-based scholarship.

Migration, Gender, Climate change, Environment, Youth, Women

Cross-sectional study in Dakar (December 2021) among 301 adults (20–69 years) assessed ultra-processed food (UPF) intake using NOVA and quantified contributions to NCD-related critical nutrients. UPFs provided 17.4% of total energy, 43% of free sugars, 26.9% of total fat, 24.4% of sodium and 24% of potassium. Individuals in the highest UPF tercile consumed more total energy (~1,996 kcal), total fat, free sugars, potassium and protein than those in the lowest tercile. Greater UPF share was positively associated with exceeding recommended total fat intake (OR = 2.58; p = 0.002) and negatively associated with non-recommended intakes of potassium (OR = 0.01; p < 0.001) and protein (OR = 0.43; p = 0.009). Authors conclude UPFs substantially shape diet quality in urban Senegal and may be a major determinant of NCD incidence and prevalence.

Governance, Food security, Health, Santé publique

This paper assesses Senegal’s mpox epidemiological surveillance from 14 July to 10 November 2024. Using a retrospective, cross-sectional, descriptive and analytical design, it includes all cases sampled during the period. One hundred suspected cases were reported (~6 per million), all sampled, with zero confirmations. Alternative viral diagnoses were identified in 32% (mostly varicella-zoster) and 4 co-infections were recorded (12.5%). The median time from symptom onset to result availability was 7 days; the median consultation-to-result interval was 2 days, with longer delays in remote areas. Of 48 preparedness activities, 56.25% were completed and 10.42% were ongoing. System strengths included adaptation to the IDSR kit, multi-level staff training, surveillance procedures, focal points, a diversified reference-laboratory network, and electronic case notification (DHIS2/4S). The authors call for strengthened logistics and laboratory/response capacity in border and hard-to-reach regions to reduce delays and sustain readiness.

Governance, Health, Santé publique