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The article argues that conflicts in the Sahel should not be understood solely through the lens of jihadist ideology. Instead, it highlights the inter...
The article argues that conflicts in the Sahel should not be understood solely through the lens of jihadist ideology. Instead, it highlights the interaction between weak state institutions, social marginalization, cross-border trafficking networks, and armed insurgencies. Armed groups exploit porous borders and benefit from illicit economies involving fuel, gold, livestock, weapons, and drug trafficking. The article also explains that jihadist organizations often establish local systems of governance, taxation, and protection, allowing them to gain legitimacy among populations neglected by central governments. The authors criticize predominantly military responses adopted by Sahelian states and international actors, arguing that such strategies fail to address the structural roots of insecurity. According to the article, long-term stability in the Sahel requires broader policies focused on governance reform, economic opportunities, social justice, and the management of intercommunal tensions. The study therefore proposes a more complex understanding of Sahelian conflicts beyond conventional counterterrorism narratives.
This article critically examines the concept of "jihadist governance" in the Sahel and the Horn of Africa, drawing on case studies from Mali, Burkina ...
This article critically examines the concept of "jihadist governance" in the Sahel and the Horn of Africa, drawing on case studies from Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon and Somalia. The author analyses the capacity of armed groups — JNIM, Islamic State in the Sahel, Boko Haram/ISWAP and Al-Shabaab — to administer territory, maintain order, dispense justice and collect taxes. He demonstrates that such governance remains episodic, fragmented and unsustainable: pre-conflict state standards in rural areas were already so low that any alternative form of order appears relatively effective. Jihadist taxation (zakat, levies, tolls) is inconsistent, often arbitrary and largely non-compliant with Islamic jurisprudence. Popular support stems primarily from state failure rather than genuine ideological allegiance. The author concludes that jihadist groups are unlikely to seize regional capitals, and that their resilience should not be mistaken for a genuine capacity to govern.
This report analyzes early warning systems (EWS) in West Africa and their role in preventing security, social, and climate-related crises. It highligh...
This report analyzes early warning systems (EWS) in West Africa and their role in preventing security, social, and climate-related crises. It highlights the importance of the ECOWARN system of ECOWAS, connected with national systems and the African Union’s continental mechanism. Based on field research involving 120 stakeholders across four countries, the study shows that institutional cooperation and information sharing are key to anticipating conflicts. It emphasizes the contribution of technological innovations, particularly artificial intelligence, in data analysis and improving response capacity. However, several challenges remain, including limited coordination, insufficient technical resources, weak political ownership, and difficulties in translating alerts into concrete actions. The report recommends strengthening system interoperability, human capacities, and regional cooperation to enhance the effectiveness and sustainability of early warning systems.
The article offers a critical review of the literature on the crisis of research for development in Francophone Sub-Saharan Africa, from independence ...
The article offers a critical review of the literature on the crisis of research for development in Francophone Sub-Saharan Africa, from independence to the present. It argues that this crisis is structural, marked by institutional weaknesses, insufficient funding, external dependency, and the marginalization of social sciences. In the 1960s–70s, the main issue was capacity building, accompanied by relative optimism. From the 1980s–90s onward, the crisis deepened due to structural adjustment policies, massification of higher education, and the weakening of research systems. Since the 2000s, the crisis persists but has evolved with globalization, the rise of consultancy work, and the fragmentation of scientific communities. The author highlights the importance of internal factors (governance, public policies, academic organization) and advocates for reclaiming scientific production grounded in African realities.
This policy brief examines the consequences of the suspension of funding from the United States Agency for International Development in Cameroon, amid...
This policy brief examines the consequences of the suspension of funding from the United States Agency for International Development in Cameroon, amid security crises linked to Boko Haram and internal conflicts. In 2023, U.S. assistance accounted for a substantial share of foreign aid to Cameroon, particularly in the health sector. The abrupt withdrawal in 2025 led to project closures, mass layoffs, and shortages of essential medicines, especially for HIV and malaria programs. Vulnerable populations—including refugees, internally displaced persons, and children—have been the most affected, with malaria-related mortality rising again. However, the funding suspension is also seen as an opportunity to rethink structural dependence on external aid, promote localization, diversify partnerships (EU, BRICS, private foundations), and strengthen domestic investment in health in line with the Abuja Declaration. The brief concludes with strategic recommendations to enhance resilience and sustainability in humanitarian and development sectors.
In 2026, Africa–China relations are shifting toward a more balanced, strategic partnership. African countries aim to make debt more sustainable, devel...
In 2026, Africa–China relations are shifting toward a more balanced, strategic partnership. African countries aim to make debt more sustainable, develop local industrialization and value addition, and strengthen transparency in cooperation. China focuses on securing critical minerals, expanding diplomatic influence, and promoting security cooperation, while African nations seek to limit militarization and increase economic autonomy. Industrialization, especially in electric vehicles and battery production, is a central priority. Monitoring mechanisms, such as the African Peer Review Mechanism (MAEP), and civil society engagement aim to enhance governance and project effectiveness. Africa plays a strategic global role due to its resources, youthful population, and diplomatic weight in the UN and G20. The future partnership envisions joint ventures, increased technology transfer, and investments that create jobs and retain local value.
This article analyzes the evolution of Malian civil society within the political transition initiated in 2020. Amid profound institutional reforms, th...
This article analyzes the evolution of Malian civil society within the political transition initiated in 2020. Amid profound institutional reforms, the dissolution of political parties in 2025, and a perceived shrinking of civic space, civil society faces a strategic turning point. The study provides a typological mapping of actors (human rights organizations, youth movements, women’s associations, trade unions, religious organizations, think tanks, and diaspora groups) and examines their contribution to state refoundation reforms. It highlights tensions between collaboration and autonomy, support for transitional authorities and counter-power functions. The article also emphasizes major structural challenges: dependency on external funding, organizational weaknesses, internal fragmentation, and political ambiguities. Despite these constraints, civil society remains a key actor in social cohesion and civic participation. The analysis concludes that its future will depend on its adaptability, financial resilience, and ability to clarify its democratic positioning.
This article examines the emergence of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), created in 2023 by Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger following a series of mili...
This article examines the emergence of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), created in 2023 by Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger following a series of military coups. The author situates the AES within the broader trajectory of Sahelian securitization, rooted in counterterrorism strategies implemented since the early 2000s. Drawing on securitization and resilience theories, the study argues that AES regimes promote a form of “maintenance resilience,” aimed at preserving an already securitized political order rather than addressing the structural drivers of insecurity. Despite official narratives emphasizing sovereignty, rupture, and anti-imperialism, the Alliance largely reproduces existing security logics and dependencies, particularly through new external military partnerships. The analysis highlights how the dominance of security-based governance reinforces the suspension of democratic processes and limits prospects for political transformation. Ultimately, the article questions the capacity of the AES to provide a sustainable and inclusive response to the Sahel’s multidimensional crises.
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The published documents are related to the following themes:
Governance
Inclusion
Security and human rights
Mediation and conflict management
Resilience
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