The article “Substantive democracy: an alternative for societies of resignation and silencing” examines democratic backsliding in West and Central Africa. Jean-Marc Segoun highlights “hybrid” regimes—whether civilian or military—sustaining power through gerontocracy, clientelism, militarization, and coercive use of law. These systems foster fear, resignation, and silence political opposition while curtailing fundamental freedoms. Recent examples include the dissolution of political parties in Mali, repression in Burkina Faso, civil rights restrictions in Côte d’Ivoire, and entrenched authoritarianism in Cameroon. The author argues that civil society must move beyond neutrality to become a political force proposing viable alternatives. This requires building networks, sharing practices, and inventing new paradigms suited to contexts of repression. “Substantive democracy” is proposed as a framework to resist authoritarianism, regenerate political thought, and offer pathways toward inclusive governance in societies where traditional democracy has been hollowed out.

Governance, Democracy, Civil Society

This briefing, authored by Thibaut Girault and Sophia Stille in June 2024 and published by the Mixed Migration Centre (read on WATHI), explores the educational realities and needs of migrant children and youth in four West and North African capitals – Bamako, Conakry, Niamey, and Tunis. Based on surveys conducted between June 2022 and September 2023 with migrant youth (18–24 years old) and caregivers, it reveals severely limited access to education: over half of children are not enrolled in any educational services (57%), and only 17% attend primary or secondary school. Education ranks as a top priority need, surpassing food aid (20%) and healthcare (18%). Key barriers include financial constraints (41%). The needs and situations differ by city: at least half of caregivers in Conakry reported educational needs for children, one third in Niamey, while in Tunis, there is notable reliance on informal childcare (32%).

Migration, Education, Youth, Human security

The article titled “Expertise, Pragmatism and Kindness at the Service of Female Entrepreneurship: The Experience of the Women Investment Club (in Senegal and Côte d’Ivoire)”, published by WATHI Think Tank on August 10, 2025, recounts the creation of the Women Investment Club (WIC). Founded in 2015 by prominent women including Madjiguène Sock, Thiaba Camara Sy, Seynabou Seck, and the late Alassane Athia Wade, WIC aimed to foster a supportive ecosystem for women entrepreneurs by providing access to capital and skills. Officially launched in 2016 with an initial investment of 250 million CFA francs, WIC today mobilizes approximately 1.5 billion CFA francs in Senegal and comprises 105 members; in Côte d’Ivoire, it brings together 65 women. In 2019, WIC established WIC Capital, an investment fund dedicated to female-led enterprises, and in 2020, WIC Academy was launched to provide training and mentorship. The initiative exemplifies a rigorous, pragmatic, and kind approach to narrowing gender finance gaps.

Governance, Women, Entrepreneurship, Inclusion, Training

In 2023, Insecurity Insight documented 22 arson attacks on schools in Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, with a sharp increase in Niger (1 in 2022 vs 11 in 2023). Most incidents, attributed to JNIM and ISSP, target “Western” education and aim to intimidate teachers and communities, leading to destroyed facilities, prolonged closures, and lasting fear. These attacks undermine access to education, worsen inequalities, and erode social cohesion. The report calls for integrated actions: community awareness campaigns, fire-resistant school infrastructure, emergency plans, coordinated rapid responses, psychological support, and post-attack reconstruction. It also urges humanitarian diplomacy and engagement with armed actors to protect schools and depoliticize education.

Governance, Security, Education

The Bridging Distances report (NRC, UNHCR, UNICEF, January 2025) examines distance learning solutions in the Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger) amid insecurity, mass displacement, and weak educational infrastructure. Four main approaches are identified: no-tech (printed materials), low-tech (radio, SMS, basic phones), digital (online platforms, offline Wi-Fi devices), and hybrid models combining several methods. Each modality has strengths and weaknesses, with hybrid approaches proving most resilient. Success factors include adapting to local contexts, teacher training, community involvement, monitoring and evaluation, and sustainable funding. Recommendations emphasize inclusion (girls, displaced children, children with disabilities), infrastructure investment, resource-sharing, and integrating psychosocial support. Distance learning is not a one-size-fits-all solution but a set of complementary tools that must be adapted to learners’ needs.

Governance, Education, Numérique

The April 2025 policy brief by Africa Education Watch, authored by Kofi Asare, reviews Ghana’s basic education infrastructure. Despite significant enrolment growth since 2001, about 1 million children remain out of school, including 400,000 dropouts. Key deficits include school buildings, furniture (40% of pupils lacked desks in 2021, rising to 80% in some regions), electricity, and digital infrastructure (only 2% of basic schools in deprived districts have functional ICT facilities). To meet SDG 4 targets by 2030, Ghana needs around 2,000 fully furnished basic schools, 3,600 junior high schools, 508 kindergartens, to replace 5,300 makeshift schools, and supply 800,000 desks. Estimated cost: USD 2 billion. Budgetary constraints and declining donor support necessitate innovative financing, climate-resilient building technologies, community-led furniture initiatives, and targeted interventions for underserved communities.

Governance, Inequality, Education, Infrastructures scolaires, Funding

Two years after Niger’s July 26, 2023 coup d’état, led by General Abdourahamane Tiani, the country remains mired in political and socio-economic deadlock. Former head of the presidential guard, Tiani justified overthrowing President Bazoum by citing security failures and excessive foreign—particularly French—influence. Reactions from ECOWAS, including sanctions and the threat of military intervention, along with France’s stance, bolstered the CNSP’s nationalist image. Yet, continued closure of the border with Benin, soaring prices, and worsening poverty have deepened public disillusionment. Bazoum and his wife remain under house arrest, symbolizing an unfinished transition. Despite sovereignist rhetoric, the current government has failed to improve the economy or security. The future remains uncertain, with the risk that the pursuit of dignity could lead to prolonged insecurity, authoritarianism, and widespread poverty.

Sovereignty, Governance, Coup d'État

The article, written by Gado Alzouma, examines the global “war for talent” and Africa’s growing role in it. Faced with aging populations and declining birth rates, industrialized countries are stepping up efforts to attract highly skilled foreign workers. Africa, with a median age of 19.7 and rapid demographic growth, has become a strategic labor pool. The author highlights reforms in Germany, France, the UK, Canada, Japan, and others to ease the entry of African talent. While this trend creates opportunities, it also accelerates brain drain, weakening Africa’s competitiveness, research, and innovation capacity. The piece concludes that African nations must build strong economies and create attractive jobs to retain their best-trained citizens, or risk continuing to fuel the development of other regions instead of their own.

Migration, Youth, EMPLOYMENT

The article examines Africa’s emergence as a critical stage in the strategic rivalry between the United States and China. The July 2025 mini‑summit hosted by Trump with five African leaders signals renewed American interest in a continent traditionally influenced by Sino‑American competition and other global powers. Africa, rich in natural resources—minerals, hydrocarbons—and strategically positioned (Suez, Bab-el‑Mandeb, Djibouti), has become a prime arena of global “neo‑imperialism.” Beijing wields influence through infrastructure projects—roads, hospitals, railways—in exchange for resources, causing high debt levels. Meanwhile, under Trump, US diplomacy counteracts China’s expansion. The article highlights that Africa fits into the broader geostrategic competition in the Indo‑Pacific, with China emerging as a systemic rival to the US through technological advancement and escalating global influence.

Politics, Governance, Natural ressources, Influence, Diplomacy